So what if we have a budget…there's always those teachers! |
More Collywobbles from the Tribune Editorial Board
(Collywobbles: discomfort, fears, and anxieties)
Tomorrow, May 31st, may prove the end of
the General Assembly’s legislative session in Springfield, but it might also be
the first balanced budget agreement between the legislators and confrontational
Governor Bruce Vincent Rauner in three years.
Late news indicates or promises that the four deliberative caucuses are
moving along toward a balanced offering for the Governor. Of course, the Governor, who makes it a habit
of moving goal posts at the last second may disagree with the observations of
media and insiders to the process by tomorrow.
Rauner may pretend happiness with the final result in his current
election year, or he may argue a forced necessity to sign it after two years of
his own fiscal destruction of university programs and services for the needy,
or he may announce unwillingness once again to sign anything “’comin’ from
those bought and paid for Madigan stooges.”
The Tribune Editorial Board is an easier prediction. Whichever way the final result breaks, the
oak paneled clan of critics will not support the decision. Nothing will be
enough for the writers of the last pages of the constantly shortening daily
until the legislators do what is legally and morally impossible – “passing
legislation to deal with the state’s alarming pension debt,” “negotiated changes to programs that would
make Illinois more business and tax friendly,” and “drop the earlier increases
in the state income tax.”
In the run-up to tomorrow back in February, the Tribune
Editorial “Illinois lawmakers face a
challenge. Best to head home and campaign,” the opinion disparaged the
lawmakers once again for not taking up the opportunity to reduce the unfunded
liability owed to the pensions after decades of not paying the state’s share by
once again ignoring the clear and forceful language of the Illinois Supreme
Court’s conclusion in May of 2015:
“¶66 …The General Assembly had available to it all the
information needed to estimate the long-term costs of those provisions,
including the costs of annual annuity increases, and the provisions have
operated as designed. The General
Assembly understood that the provisions would be subject to the pension
protection clause. In addition, the law
was clear that the promised benefits would
therefore have to be paid, and the responsibility for providing the
State’s share of necessary funding fell squarely on the legislature’s
shoulders. Accordingly, the funding
problems which developed were entirely foreseeable. The General Assembly may find itself in
crisis, but it is a crisis which other public pension systems managed to avoid
and, as reflected in the SEC order, it is a crisis for which the General Assembly
itself is largely responsible.”
“Instead,
the Tribune blamed the General Assembly of 2018 for not seeking to find other ways
to illegally short pensioners. “He (Rauner) also
called for broader pension reform, which lawmakers have largely ignored since
May 2015. That’s when the Illinois Supreme Court rejected cost-saving pension
changes that had been signed into law. The ruling, however, should not have
been the last word. Lawmakers could and should have been sending proposals back
up the flagpole to see what the court might accept — including Senate President
John Cullerton’s suggestion that pension benefits could be changed,
constitutionally, if retirees got something in return. But the legislature has
not pushed that or any other proposal.”
In his opening
budget speech this spring, Rauner cited New Jersey as an example of a state
that was able to off-load much of its debt by offering a plan of consideration
in exchange for a stabilized pension promise.
The Tribune Editorial Board clings to that concept as well, often
pressing together Cullerton’s earlier attempt with Rauner’s interest in
pursuing it. But neither the Governor nor the Tribune Editorial Board seems
aware of the lack of explicit constitutional protection for the public workers
in New Jersey. There, the courts provide
protection for public pension benefits based only on impairment of contract
principles which can be determined “substantial.” Taking a look at Article XIII, section 5 of the Illinois Constitution is quite another matter – “Membership
in any pension or retirement system of the State, any unit of local government
or school district, or any agency or instrumentality thereof, shall be an
enforceable contractual relationship, the benefits of which shall not be
diminished or impaired.”
Nor would it seem
that the Chicago Tribune Editorial Board or the Governor has spent much
interest in scrutinizing the decision rendered by the ILSC in May of 2015.
Instead, it’s been full speed backward:
“The state’s
unfunded pension liability is growing faster than taxpayers’ ability to keep
up. With about a quarter of general fund revenues going to the pension system,
other priorities get crowded out.
“No matter how we
got there, today’s pension crisis isn’t a funding problem. It’s a benefits
problem. To borrow one of Rauner’s preferred adjectives, the shortfall — and
lawmakers’ reluctance to seek solutions — is “’outrageous.’”http://www.chicagotribune.com/news/opinion/editorials/ct-edit-rauner-speech-pensions-budget-20180214-story.html
Not a benefits problem at all. Never was and never will be. The issue is the enormous unfunded liability, the amount of debt building due to decades of not paying what was owed and using public workers pension funds as a credit card for pet projects.
Tiers may be added and buy-outs offered; but that debt will always remain due.
Not a benefits problem at all. Never was and never will be. The issue is the enormous unfunded liability, the amount of debt building due to decades of not paying what was owed and using public workers pension funds as a credit card for pet projects.
Tiers may be added and buy-outs offered; but that debt will always remain due.
Ironically, Chief
Legal Counsel for John Cullerton Eric Madiar and architect for the
“consideration” model Rauner wants on his desk as soon as possible denies the
Tribune’s argument that it does not matter “how we got here,” and that
“benefits are the issue.”
In an address to
the Chicago Civic Club, Mr. Madiar reminded the audience, “Our current pension disaster cannot be
blamed on salary or pension cost increases.
Between 1985 and 2014, pension-funding liabilities grew by $97
billion. Benefit increase only counted
for 8%, or $8 billion of that growth. Pay
increases were actually less than actuaries had assumed they would be. And they
actually helped bring down the unfunded liability by $1.3 billion. The state's failure to fund the system
accounts for 49 or 47% of that growth.
So simply put, the main reason we are in this mess is for insufficient
pension contributions.”
“Between 1989 and 1994, the unfunded
liability doubled which was causal for the development of the payment plan
called ‘the ramp.’ This became the
schedule as a result of the run for Governor between Netsch and Edgar. Also some pension holidays in 2006 and 2007.
We had a tremendous growth in our unfunded liabilities beginning in 2007. We
had about 35 billion in unfunded liabilities in 2007, and we have gained
another $63 Billion in unfunded liabilities since that point. In 1984, Illinois
had liabilities of $7 billion; we currently have $105 billion. That $97 billion (liability’s) biggest
contributor - the state did not contribute enough. Actuarial assumptions have changed as the
percentage of returns on the stock markets have been reduced, that has
increased the amount in unfunded liability.
But you cannot lay it at the feet of benefit increases coming between
1985 and 2014...and you cannot lay it at the feet of salary increases either.”
They won’t be happy – Tribune Editors Dold, McCormick,
Dillon, Lythcott -
They’ll argue that our politicians are
“avoidance experts.” They say they
“tinker” but do little more. They will
never say what is true: We’re stuck in an antiquated system that is revenue deficient. One that needs a structural change in order
to free the poor, affirms educational opportunity, pays the State’s bills, and
provides for a growing economy. That we need to amortize the debt payments rather than ride the balloon payments designed in 1995. But they won't.
In the end, my money says they’ll stick with Rauner
for Governor too.
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